Chapter 14 - The Manufacturing Centers

CHAPTER XIV

THE MANUFACTURING CENTERS

TO a very great extent, the prosperity of Belgium is revealed in the commercial activity of Antwerp, and the commercial -classes of that city form a community which more nearly resembles our own than any other in Belgium. The pursuit of over-sea commerce has broadened the view of the merchants and shippers of the great port on the Scheldt, and there is less of the communal, or as we should say parochial, spirit about them than any other section of the Belgian people. They are stationed at Belgium's window to the outer world, and they realize better than the rest of their countrymen the precise place filled by their small country. They know, for instance, that the affairs of this planet are not bound up in the petty questions that engross the attention of professional politicians in the Rue de la Lou Consequently they keep aloof from politics and concentrate their energies on making money.

The activity of Antwerp is largely due to the development of the manufacturing centers throughout the country. If Ghent, Liege, and Seraing did not exist, the exports of Belgium, of which we have treated of elsewhere in this volume, could not have reached their present imposing figures. The prosperity of Belgium is the result of the productive capacity of its citizens, and this is shown in the sphere of manufacture more than elsewhere. Large portions of Belgium seem to be given up as completely to factories as Flanders is to vegetable fields, and the Borinage coal-mines. The coal and iron of Hainaut are the gifts of nature, but the products of Ghent, Seraing, Verviers, and other places too numerous to name, are due to the ingenuity and toil of man alone. Of all Belgian cities, Ghent has the best associations for the English people, and is the home of some of the most interesting bits of history familiar to all. It was the home of John of Gaunt, and this once proud city contains much of, if not all, the pathos and tradegy of the Belgian epic. Until the pacification of 1540, Ghent was a Power in itself. It fell because it did not realize that its pre-eminence among Flemish communes was no proof that it could beard the ruler of a great empire with impunity. It retained the insolence of power long after it had lost the substance, and its fall was both ignominious and irretrievable. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Ghent suffered in special degree from the blight which fell generally upon Flanders. The gfass grew in its streets, the canals were unused, and the population steadily declined. From being the rival of potentates and States, Ghent sank into the position of a second rank provincial town. The city that had once boasted of its quarter of a million inhabitants, and of how with its dependent towns it could put 80,000 combatants in the field, contained less than 40,000 citizens when the French occupied the country in the Revolutionary period. At that time the principal occupation of the citizens of Ghent, and the main source of such prosperity as they possessed, was horticulture, and Ghent, which had been famous for its gloves, became better known for its flowers. It has not lost this reputation today, and the flowers from the glass-houses of Ghent are in much demand, and sold all over the country; but at the same time it has discovered new and more profitable industries in the last century.

The first and main cause of the return of prosperity to Belgium was, it must be admitted, the establishment of peace. It ceased in 1795 to be the cockpit of Europe, and even during the Waterloo campaign a hostile force was on Beligan soil for no more than five days, and Charleroi, then a small place of no importance, was the only one of its towns to undergo military occupation. The cessation of strife, waged by foreign armies on its territory, was the first and main cause of the revival of Belgian industry. Men were able to turn their attention to more remunerative work than the cultivation of the fields with some reasonable prospect of enjoying the fruits of her own labor. While a larger area was brought under cultivation, commerce, however timidly, began to appeal to the townspeople. The population, long stationary, commenced to show signs of expansion.

Ghent was the first place to feel the new influence. Admirably situated for purposes of trade by means of its water communication in many different directions, Ghent was able, in the days before the railways, to despatch its wares by the cheap and sufficiently expeditious transport provided by canal and river barges. It thus found convenient markets in Brussels, which always enjoyed a certain prosperity as the residence of a Court, and in Antwerp, which was largely dependent on the country lying at its back. In the old days the weavers and fullers of Ghent had made its prosperity. It was, therefore, natural that when the revival of the place commenced, its citizens should turn in the same channel. The first factory set up in modern Ghent was one for cloth, during the French occupation, and it was busily employed in turning out a large part of the material used in providing Napoleon's soldiers with their uniform. During the Dutch rule, which extended from 1815 to 1830, the manufacture of cotton goods was introduced; but this did not become at all general until after the year 1839, when the independence of Belgium was rendered more assured by the recognition of the fact by Holland. After that event, cotton and woolen manufactures became a staple industry in Ghent, and the output increased every year, so that it seemed no undue exaggeration to speak of it as the Belgian Manchester. The prosperity of Ghent received a rude interruption in 1861 through the outbreak of the American Civil War, which cut off the supply of cotton, and produced the greatest distress. The suffering was increased by a serious outbreak of cholera, and for a time it seemed as if Ghent had only risen to fall again. After the conclusion of the struggle in the United States, the enterprise that had been interrupted reasserted itself, and the cholera having led to many sanitary improvements, the city took on a new lease of life. The lace and embroidery industry, which had been carried on in a modest way in the houses of the workpeople themselves, was transferred to the factories, and was developed with all the appliances of capital and science. An entirely new business was introduced by the opening of works for the construction of engines and agricultural implements. There is, therefore, no doubt as to the activity of the business life of the city. No proof, indeed, can be clearer than that its population now exceeds 160,000. Ghent, besides being an active commercial and manufacturing center, is also a fine city, and a pleasant place of residence. It contains some very interesting monuments of its medieval grandeur, and although the bell of mighty Roland is heard no more in the land, there is an effective carillon of forty-four bells in the belfry, from which it used to give forth "victory" or the "alarm for fire."

In striking contrast to Ghent is Seraing, where the greatest foundry and engine works of Belgium were established by an Englishman two years after Waterloo. This was Cockerill, who fixed upon Seraing as the best spot for his enterprise, in which he had the cordial support of King William I of the Netherlands, who subscribed half the capital. The site of the works, which now cover 260 acres, and employ 15,000 workpeople, was happily chosen at an old chateau with extensive grounds, which had once been the summer residence of the Prince-Bishops of Liege. The chateau is still used as the house of the resident director, and as a library. Formerly the spot was one of the most picturesque in the environs of Liege. Now both banks of the river are lined with furnaces and factories, for Jemeppe, Ougree, Selessin, and Tilleur are imitators of Seraing. The valley is also carboniferous, and there are numerous coalmines. The Liege collieries rank next to those of Hainaut in importance, and some authorities think that they will be productive for a longer period.

Seraing is situated five miles above Liege on the right bank of the Meuse. There is communication between the two places by river steamer, tramway, and railway. By the last census its population exceeded 38,000, and it may be assumed that every one resident in the town is connected with or dependent on the Cockerill establishment. In 1831, after the separation of the two countries, Cockerill repaid King William his share of the capital, and remained sole proprietor until his death in 1840. The concern was then turned into a company, with the modest capital of $2,500,000. In 1871 the capital was increased, and the descendants of Cockerill having died out or retired, the business became exclusively Belgian. The record of the Seraing works is a very remarkable one, especially in the construction of railway and other steam engines, of which close on 60,000 have been turned out since the commencement of that branch in 1835. With its present staff it can construct annually 150 locomotives, 2,000 engines, steam and hand, and 300,000 quintals (or 15,000 tons) of font for bridges, etc. The iron casements for the new forts at Namur and Liege itself were cast in the Seraing foundries. Seraing may be compared in some respects to the Armstrong works at Elswick and the Krupp works at Essen, and it is well to remind the Belgians that their country owes this now national undertaking to the capital and enterprise of an Englishman.

Seraing is, in a certain sense, only an annex of the important city of Liege close by. In many respects Liege is the most remarkable place in Belgium, remarkable for its magnificent position, for the activity of its citizens, and for its history, which has, in a certain sense, been detached from that of the rest of the country. Liege is the natural and typical capital of the Walloon country, just as Ghent is of the Flemish. Both cities are now at the height of their prosperity, and contain about the same population. If, however, Seraing and Chenee were included as suburbs of Liege, which they are in reality, Liege would have a very marked superiority over Ghent. There is probably more wealth in Liege than in Ghent, but there is also more misery. The poor quarters of the town on both banks of the river are very repulsive, and the old delapidated lofty houses, built up against the side of the mountain on which stands the citadel, are not worse than the new tenements across the river at Bressoux. The staple industry at Liege, upon which its prosperity depends, is the manufacturing of arms, and this fact has led to its being called the Birmingham of Belgium. There is one distinctive practice which brings out the marked difference between the two countries and peoples. The Birmingham gunsmiths work in shops where weapons are turned out by the thousands. In Liege the individual works in his own abode, and takes each single weapon on completion to the gunshop for sale. It is said there are forty thousand working gunsmiths in Liege and its suburbs. It would appear a risky means of livelihood, for each piece is carefully inspected and tested before acceptance at the warehouses, and the least defect is said to cause summary rejection. Opinions differ as to the quality of Liege firearms, but there is one point in which they beat all competitors, and that is in lowness of price. An enormous business is done in single-barreled guns, that are sold at $375 apiece. As this class of gun has a rapid and sure sale, the preparation of first-class weapons has grown less attractive for the workman, who thinks only of earning his living in the easiest and surest way, and who seems to be quite content when he makes $5 a week. With a view of arresting this tendency, and preventing the loss of an important branch of the trade, several factories for the manufacture of rifles have been opened of late years, and there is also a cannon foundry. The last named and one of the rifle factories belong to the State. It may be ndded that the former is now busily occupied in casting the new guns for the Belgian artillery. At all times the citizens of Liege have been noted for their independent, and it might even be said quarrelsome, spirit. The fact that each man is more or less his own master has greatly contributed to keep alive the sentiment of independence, and the wonting classes are organized by leagues, societies, and clubs. The Socialists are very powerful, but there is also a genuine Catholic party among them.

Among other manufacturing centers less widely known than Ghent and Liege, which are springing into importance, are Gembloux, Ath, Renaix, and Diest. At Gembloux the state railways have established their engine and carriage works, which employ several thousand hands. There is also a factory for excellent cutlery at this place. Ath, on the Dender, is the center of the important lime manufacture, and being in direct water communication by river and canal with most parts of Belgium, it is able to deliver this article by the most economical mode of transport. Renaix has developed an important cloth industry, and Diest is the center of the brewing enterprise of the country, and might be compared to Burton-onTrent. Malines is still famous for its lace, although Grammont, interesting as the first of the communes to receive a charter, is running it hard in the matter of "point." Tournai produces most of the carpets to which Brussels gives its name. Artistic carpets are also produced at Termonde, where there are also extensive oil works. Verviers, a large town east of Liege, flourishes on a considerable manufacture of woolen goods and of glass. Within the last few years the competition of German works at Eupen has been so keen that several of the Belgian glass companies have suspended operations. A new industry is being developed in cement and a composition that serves as an excellent pavement. In no manufacturing district of Belgium are the vicissitudes of trade through external competition greater or more sudden than at Verviers.

The condition of the artisan classes in Belgium is probably better than in France, although it falls a long way below that of English workmen, especially in respect of hours of labor. These are unquestionably long to excess, and are really fixed by the will of the employer. The language of the law on the employment of children is very instructive. No child can be employed in a factory or a warehouse until he is twelve, which means that all children of the working classes begin their life of toil at twelve. This explains the stunted appearance of the population of the larger towns and manufacturing districts. The law says, in the second place, that no child under sixteen is to be kept at work for more than twelve hours a day. If the young can work this length of time, it will be understood that an adult is assumed to be capable of doing more. At the same time, the long hours do not hang as so great a burden on the Belgian working man as they would on Americans. The race has always been accustomed to early hours, and as there are no great distractions except fete days, the Belgian takes his pleasure in his work.

From a careful estimate made by a Belgian statistician the average earnings of the Belgian artisan are $165 a year. This average includes child-labor, which partially explains the lowness of the figure. Personal inquiry showed me that in Liege and Ghent the workmen expect to earn a minimum eighty cents a day, or about $5 a week. They seem to be perfectly contented if they can earn a dollar a day, but besides the earnings of the man of the house are those of his wife and children. And they get along fairly well on this income. The Belgians are not great meat-eaters, and the Belgian wife is usually an economic and good cook. A nourishing soup forms the basis of the food in a Belgian home, and the bread they use is of the whole grain and much more substantial than our bread.

The daily life of the factory operative is not as easily described as that of the miner, who lives under special conditions which differentiate him from the regular community, and which are treated of elsewhere in this volume. The mill-hand, the potter, or the lace-maker will pursue the mode of living agreeable to himself, in complete obliviousness of what his fellow workers may do, except in regard to points of common trade interest. The bond that links him to his class is that not of his work, but of his commune, which is the chief source of Belgian unity. Hence, any attempt to give an account of the daily life of all factory operatives, as something fashioned in the same pattern, would be incorrect and misleading. At the same time, there are some points about the Belgian artisan which may seem of interest. His condition of life and general well-being furnish no inexact index to the national welfare, and, speaking relatively, they may be pronounced quite as high as in any country of Europe. The Belgian operative has command of all the necessaries of life, and he has also a surplus left for some of its luxuries, or, at least, some of its relaxations. His hours of labor may be many, but they are lightened by some hours of amusement, and a not infrequent holiday. If the cafe does not suffice for his leisure hours, there is always the cercle Catholic, or Liberal, or Socialist; and the cercle will have its band of music, its dances, and other annual or more frequent celebrations. The life of the operative is consequently by no means dull or unvaried. It is no dreary round of labor; there is ample time for pleasure, and the Belgian character, whether Walloon or Flemish, is not prone to take its pleasures sadly.

There is another feature in the life of the Belgian workingman that is interesting. He has his political associations and clubs. The Parti Ouvrier is organized throughout the kingdom for political agitation and the attainment of universal suffrage. But, in addition, certain co-operative societies have been formed for retailing to their members practically all the articles of which they have any need. These exist in all the large towns, but the two largest are those known as the Maison du Peuple in Brussels and the Vooruit in Ghent. At these stores everything is sold at the cost of production, plus five per cent for the administration, from a loaf of bread to the furniture of a house. An excellent loaf of bread weighing nearly two pounds and a half is sold for twopence, and at the Maison du Peuple in Brussels over 160,000 such loaves are sold each week. As there are 16,000 members, the average consumption is ten loaves a week. Of late years, these societies have taken an active part in the struggle with drunkenness by excluding spirits and beer from their lists, and in the refreshment room attached to their stores coffee and lemonade are the only beverages sold. Although I have only mentioned two of these societies, there are in Belgium about four hundred of the same nature.

There are also saving-and sick-fund branches attached to most of these societies. The basis on which they are formed is a monthly payment of sixty cents to the former and twenty cents to the latter. For these subscriptions a member is guaranteed medical attendance and twenty cents a day during illness, and his annual savings are practically doubled by the additions made to them under the law by the State and also by the provinces, while there is a further voluntary grant by the society itself. As the most staid Belgian workman deems that he has the moral right to spend twenty cents a day on his drink, it does not seem to be asking him to practice much self-denial to put by twenty cents a week for a rainy day. It is right to mention that there are no grounds for supposing that he grumbles at having to do so. There is a new State Pension Bill that is calculated to encourage thrift. It came into effect in 1900, and by it the Government undertakes to pay every working man in need after he is sixty-five an annual pension of $13 a year.

Taking a comprehensive view of the position of the working classes in Belgium, it will compare not unfavorably with that of those in any other country. In one particular only is there pressing need of amelioration, and, as we have seen, that is in the length of hours of labor. It is probable that a reform would already have taken place in this matter but for the fact that political questions have become mixed up with social problems. The agitation is not one for eight or nine hours a day as the regular spell for the working classes in factories, but it is one for universal suffrage, the abolition of the plural vote, and the fettering of capital by the enforcement of Socialist theories of distribution and joint participation. It is unfortunate that these political matters have been connected with labor questions, and that natural concessions have been deferred by the fear of what those to whom they were made might do afterwards.

Source: Boulger, Demetrius C. Belgium. Detroit: Published for the Bay View Reading Club, 1913. Print.

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